Dynamics of Modernity: Berman Canclini

Dynamics of Modernity: Berman Canclini Compare and contrast Marshall Bermans and Nestor Garcia Canclinis account of the dynamics of Modernity To be modern is to live a life of paradox and contradiction. It is to be overpowered by the immense bureaucratic organizations that have the power to control and often to destroy all communities, values, lives; and yet to be undeterred in our determination to face these forces, to fight to change their world and make it our own. (Berman:1983:13-14) Modernity has long been hailed as one of the most powerful forces to have emerged in the world, with the capacity, according to Marx, to move mountains, and to ensure that all that is solid melts into air. Within the statement by Berman that begins this essay, we can see one of the dynamics that has created this impression. Modernity, despite its deeper roots, begins to be talked about by a series of thinkers who combine a high degree of abstraction with a imperative to act. Thus Marx argues for huge motors of historical telos that exist outside of our will, and at the same time argues for an immanent need to change historical conditions. This relationship between abstraction and concreteness is perhaps the most fundamental dynamic of modernity. It gives rise to the planned economies of communism, and the controlled biopower of modern states that Foucault (1998) talks about, which attempt to rule over the function of life itself. At the same time is gives rise to what Badiou (2005:12 ) calls the passion for the real; the search for an authentic existence in the absence of the certainties with which previous epochs lived. What is crucial about these two movements is the way in which they inflect each other. The idea of authentic will becomes possible only with the collapse of grand narratives and the rise of administered life, and the administered life then uses the same notion of self-fulfilment within consumerism to further be able to administer biopower. It is this covalence that is fundamental to modernity, and which this essay will argue is entirely misunderstood by Berman. One of the reasons for this is that, as Braudel (1995:14) notes, â€Å"each civilisation tends to overestimate its own objectivity.† Likewise, each age tends to see itself as more unique than the last. However, this is particularly a problem with the period called modernity because during this period it was thought reason could break with the past, and a utopia of the state was possible. We can see this legacy in both the Communist economies and in the artistic movements such as Marinettis futurism, which had as its mot to: â€Å"make it new.† It is precisely this trap that Berman falls into: confusing the ideas of modernity with the effects of modernisation. In fact, Bermans fetishished notions of will and authenticity, played out in the ahistorical telos of his modernist planar development, resemble nothing as much as a 19c treatise on the movement of history. Perhaps part of the reason for this is the combination of Bermans European sources with his background in the strong individualist tradition of American pragmatism, as we can see in his first book (1970). Canclini stands just south of Berman, but from the perspective of Mexico, modernity is a not a finished project to be talked about nostalgically in the way Berman does. Because this project is unfinished, Canclini is much better placed to understand the complex and intertwined relationship between what is constructed as tradition and what is constructed as modernity. His notion of hybridity, placed in the context of a heavy reliance on Gramscis theory of hegemony, allows one to understand that supreme category of modernity: tradition. For instance, Canclini notes (1995a:53) that there is no clear line between popular and hegemonic culture, because (ibid:75) peasant culture is necessary for capitalism as a symbol of national identity and because (ibid:83) it offers the construction o f a hegemony through the management of cultural fragmentation.† Thus modernity can be seen here as a hybrid form whereby old identities are mobilised rather than changed and uprooted. Canclini understands that modernity, if it means anything, means a change in underlying structure rather than the type of cultural universalism which lies as the undertone of the work of Berman. This essay will consider how Berman sets up the dynamics of modernity within this ahistorical schema, and argue, as previously alluded to, that he misses the important aspects of the relation. It will also be argued that Canclini, within his much more modest project, understands the underlying dynamics of the abstract and the concrete to a far greater degree. Perhaps Bermans problems begin with his tripartite division of modernity into modernity, modernisation and the modern, without every looking at how these categories are mutually constitutive of each other. Modernity, Berman explains is (1983:15): â€Å"a mode of vital experience – experience of space and time, of the self and others, of lifes possibilities and perils.† Bermans book is more of an evocation than a scholarly argument, but nonetheless is seems pertinent to insist on some evidence for such a claim: did other ages not experience space and time? The problem here is not simply that Bermans generalisations do not tell us anything about modernity, but that they conceal the real dynamics of the process. For instance, Berman often insists on the sense of newness, of authentic experience, within modernity. Yet understood as what Berman construes it to be, the sense of the new is not an experience particular to modernity at all. What is important here about the dynam ics of modernity is the way in which the experience of the new, what Berman calls modernity, is an essential part of the process of modernisation. This has been argued well by one of Bermans claimed inspirations, Walter Benjamin, whose Arcades Project (2002) traces the way in which a sense of wonder was used to create the consumer sensibility. This is also laid out in the work of Canclini, who chronicles the powerful political effect created by constructing modernity as something to come – around which one can mobilise people towards new identities and on new political projects. However, this is a discursive effect, rather than a fundamentally new ontological possibility for the modern subject, and Berman asserts the latter as a property of the former without giving a single argument. Instead, Berman (1983:15) gives us evocation and adjective, one strung after the other. The underlying dynamic of modernity for him is: â€Å"modernity is a paradoxical unity, a unity of disunity: it pours us all into a maelstrom of perpetual disintegration, of struggle and contradiction, of ambiguity and anguish.† Underlying all this purple prose is Marxs statement, that inspires the books title, that all that is solid melts into air. Yet what Marx is talking about is the ability of capital to undermine use-value and create a world of people alienated from their labour and extracted of surplus value. Now one can take issue with Marxs account, (as Baudrillard (1983) most usefully does by pointing out that use-value is also a fetishisation, this time of authenticity, and that the original alienation occurs with the construction of value) but what he draws attention to is the way people see the imaginaries of capitalism as real: capital is perceived by people in Marx as somethin g actually existing, rather than a maelstrom of perpetual disintegration. Here, Berman fails to give proper account of why he diverges from Marx. What can we salvage from Bermans account of the dynamics of modernity? It is true to say that the political subject in modernity was thought of as massively flexible and capable of continual reinvention. Though it must be added that this notion has much broader historical roots that Berman gives credit for: one can already see it in Machiavellis (2004) notion that people are capable of masking their intentions and this constitutes the basis for politics. However, this continual possibility for reinvention led to some of the most firm sets of continuities the world has seen for some time: the idea of class war, the tradition of the French bourgeoisie, and the modern state. Berman writes off in a few lines most of the great thinkers who have analysed this mutually constitutive relationships, Adorno here meriting a line. Canclini, in contrast, is alert to the way the supposed newness of modernity function to preserve power, and in his account of modernity in Mexico draws attention to th e the way newness is made a continuity of ritual and hegemonic power. Berman then separates out modernization as the social process that brings this maelstrom into being. In doing so he outlines some clear divisions between the phases of modernity. These phases resemble nothing so much as the clear evolutionary steps of early modern thinkers like Morgan. In doing so he makes a mockery of the patient work of people like Arrighi (1994), who have worked to uncover all the continuities that exist between different periods. Furthermore, his account is not even internally consistent. There is insufficient clarity in his work as to the difference between the 19C and 20C: Pushkin and Biely are made manifestations of the same movement, despite the widely different impulses that inform their work. What Canclinis work manages to do very well is to understand the way in which modernity, more than any other epoch (for it is the epoch of men who make history themselves without reliance on religious narratives) is complicit in its own construction of history. He trac es the way in which history is used as a political tool, and that the function of the type of planar divisions Berman uses is to extract a continuity from a succession. Which is to say that such divisions function as a political tool to extract a notion of destiny and objective inevitability from a history which is contingent and uncertain. Bermans one-sided and simplistic reading of modernity reaches its apex in his account of the American city. His account is a one sided view of power, as if Le Corbusier had artfully created American cities and all the modern man needed to do was stand up against this bloody tyrant. Canclini (1995b: 743-755) charts the way in which the modern man is complicit in the spaces that he builds, and that the solution is to problems of alienation that occur in such spaces is not some type of revolt by a careful reworking of the practices and delimitations of space that occur in the city. It is working through the very dynamics of modernity that one resolves its problems, and to do so requires an understanding of their complex inter-relation. Such an understanding is accurately posed by Jameson (1992:335) in his understanding of how it was the very construction of space in Los Angeles that led to the possibility of that constructions overthrowing. Furthermore, Berman misunderstands how contest ed Le Corbusier is in architectural theory. He fails to see the varying currents that inform modernity and that produced a diverse and heterogeneous formation of space, even within Le Corbusiers own school (Rabinow: 1991). Theoretically, he also fails to see what De Certeau (2002:19) has persuasively argued for, which is that it was the very relationship of time and space in modernity that leads states to forget the possibility of space. He argues that the spatial organisation laid out by the modern state was predicated on a notion of time as mode of organisation (e.g. wage labour) and a possibility of reinvention which necessarily allowed the particularities of space (as somewhere one has a proper place and a tradition that cannot be reinvented) to left to the people. Thus the conditions for contesting the state in modernity emerges from the intertwining of the micro and macro processes. These complex processes are ignored by Berman, because he is looking for a will-to-power to set against what he sees as the large bureaucratic structures of modernity. This is why he is so against Foucault, who attempts to set out the co-relation between these things. In attempting to find human creativity outside of any sort of system (though without offering any kind of rigorous account of how that might be achieved) he gives to much credit to bureaucratic systems. Canclini, in understanding how the four divisions of modernity he sets out (the rationalising, renovating, emancipatory and democratising projects) are frequently in conflict and lead to a conflicting and contested legacy, is in a much better position to understand. Ultimately, Bermans work seems as if it was written with a long nostalgia to badly understood 19C authors. He uses a notion of freedom as fetishised will (where he deploys what one could reasonably call a notion at all) without understanding that the development of modernity has destroyed this very category. As Zizek (1999:389) artfully pointed out it is the search for the real, for fetishised will, that, when not placed in a grand narrative, ends up in indulging in its simulacrum; the real emptied of risk. Likewise, it is the bureaucratic form of government that has led to the globalisation and decentralisation of its own form. These processes are ignored by Berman, who sees modernity as a universalism, even if a contradictory one, issuing like a new beacon of hope from a centre in Europe. Canclini understands modernity as a hybrid formation that cannot be tied to Europe, and has begun to chart the complex ways that modernity brings to bear on itself, and construct it own legacy. Bibliography Arrighi, G. 1994: The Long Twentieth Century. London: Verso. Badiou, A. 2005: La Sià ¨cle. Paris: Seuil. Baudrillard, J. 1983: For a Critique of the Political Economy of the Sign. London: Telos. Benjamin, W. 2002: The Arcades Project. Harvard: HUP. Berman, M. 1983: All that is Solid Melts into Air: Experiences of Modernity. London: Verso. Berman, M. 1970: The Politics of Authenticity: Radical Individualism and the Emergence of Modern Society. New York: MacMillan. Braudel, F. 1995: A History of Civilisations. London: Penguin. Canclini, N. G. 1995a: Hybrid Cultures: Strategies for Entering and Leaving Modernity. Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press. Canclini, N. 1995B: Mexico: Cultural Globalization in a disintegrating city. American Ethnologist. Vol. 22, No. 4: pp. 743-755. de Certeau, M. 2002: The Practice of Everyday Life. Berkeley: UCP. Foucault, M. 1998: The History of Sexuality: The Will to Knowledge. London: Penguin. Jameson, F. 1992: Postmodernism: Or the Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism. London: Verso. Machiavelli, N. 2004: The Prince. Oxford: OUP. Rabinow, P. 1991: French Modern: Norms and Forms of the Social Environment. Mass: MIT. Zizek, S. 1999: The Ticklish Subject: The Absent Centre of Political Ontology. London: Verso.

Economic control Essay

Traditionally the reasons of the rules and regulations were to control human relations in an effort to make the behaviors of other individuals known (Pennell, pp3). rules are also employed to provide other purposes, these includes punishing offenders, providing social economic control, banishing private retribution, deterring criminal acts and reflecting public opinions (Pennell, pp3). Conventionally prevention of crime was intended provide advice on defensive behaviors and security. On the other hand laws are supposed to be malleable and should serve as a tool of social engineering (Pennell, pp4). They are supposed to be transformed with arrival of new thoughts and societal changes. The human rights and needs of victims of crime are essential aspects of criminal justice systems, especially currently, as the issues of victims have emerged since 1970s. Since 1970s, legal and emotional reactions of the nation have changed dramatically and currently more attention is being paid on restorative justice. There are many activities that are involved in restorative justice (Pennell, pp6). In order to give an insight of the various forms that restorative justice is taking and the activities that are involved this paper will focus on practices, origin context and limitations of restorative justice (Pennell, pp6). Victims Rights The current legal codes in federal government evolved from the conventional codes and attempts to define and deal with criminal behaviors. The aim of the codes is to focus on the deviant behaviors of the criminals and they rarely focus on the victims and their needs. The primary focus of the law is to deter the criminal activities (Aldana-Pindell, pp45). Several decades ago within the federal government when reconciliation for victim offenders was being set restorative justice did not exist within the criminal justice system (Brown & Bunnell, pp87). Restorative justice has evolved currently within the criminal justice system in recent years following philosophical writings of van ness and others. Various debates which have been held have facilitated the emergence of processes within the restorative justice such as impact panels, conferences, sentencing circle etc (Aldana-Pindell, pp45). Since 1970s several practices and programs have assisted to develop the restorative justice moments. Early practices for restorative justice were focusing on the moderated meetings involving the offenders and the victims (Aldana-Pindell, pp46). As time went by the meetings were expanded and included friends and family members from the two parties. The meetings also included professionals and other individuals who had access of public resources. In recent years the system has paid much attention on the participation and involvement of members of the community (Normandeau, pp34). In 1970s some practitioners and scholars believed that offenders are victims of social neglect, poor societies and racial, ethnic and gender discrimination. As a result the advocates of restorative justice focused to change the conditions in the prison, reduce incarceration use and eliminate prison and jails as institutions (Normandeau, pp34). In this regard there are some individuals who were seeking to make a caring society instead of prisons and jails that would address the issues of victimizers and victims (Brown & Bunnell, pp92). The activists of caring communities brought the issue of interests of the victims in the criminal justice system in a progressive manner rather than focusing on the right of the victims (Meister, pp54). In 1970s and 1980s the population of people in the prisons in United States was becoming progressively overcrowded and contributed to the use and popularity of intermediary sanctions (Aldana-Pindell, pp47). However, during this time restorative justice and mediation of victim offenders were not common within the criminal justice systems as alternatives. The establishment of boards of societal justice and centers for neighborhood justice in the federal government reflected their wishing to achieve more justice and this was characterized by public participation and casualness (Aldana-Pindell, pp49). These were new forms of resolution of conflicts in the late 1970s and they showed a developing disenchantment which involved trial procedures of adjudication and finding facts in accordance to adherence to strict legal principles. On the other hand the systems in resolution of conflicts placed much importance on negotiation, agreements between the disputants and placed less importance on the role of legal professionals (Aldana-Pindell, pp49). In mid 1970s reconciliation programs in the United States were introduced for victim offenders. These programs were based on the principles of Mennonite that focuses on dialogue and exchange (Marshall, pp20). Reconciliation programs involved offenders and crime victims meetings after being sentenced and included impartial third party. Reconciliation programs for offenders and victims aimed at restoring good relationship that is supposed to exist between the parties. The proponents of these programs were focusing to establish a good working relationship and use of principles of religious institutions and also as an option to incarceration (Marshall, pp21). In the rate 1970s advocates and the victims increasingly focused on mediation rather than reconciliation programs for offenders and victims’ interactions. However, the model of the mediation program was similar to models of reconciliation program, although additional individuals affected by the differences would be involved in the meeting, especially when addressing serious crimes (Meister, pp57). Mediation programs for offenders and victims were developed in western part of Europe, Scandinavia and England in the end of 1970s and early 1980s, and were use primarily to handle justice cases for the youths. Since 1980s the programs have shown a significant growth in the United States and other nations (Marshall, pp22). Progressive voices and conservatives suggest that victims of crimes do not have the voice in the criminal justice system. In late 1970s and early 1980s activists of feminists and social scholars of legal doctrines paid more attention on making courts and law enforcement officers to be accountable to children and women who may be physically or sexually abused (Marshall, pp22). The groups that advocated for victims right focused on compensation for crime in the processes of courts, using formal voice and on safety of the society. In early 1980s Reagan organization released a report of task force on victims of crimes that facilitated the development of groups that advocated for the rights of the victims. Since 1990s there is a tremendous growth of alliances between groups that focuses on the reforms of criminal justice and victim support. This tremendous growth has been as a result of realizing the common interests among the offenders and victims based groups (Anwander, pp71). In 1980s New Zealand government started reassessing Waitangi treaty focusing on the implications of the relationship between the whites i. e. Pakeha and indigenous people the Maori. In 1986 a report that was prepared by ministers recommended for structural changes in the practices and policies of the government towards the indigenous people (Marshall, pp24). In 1989 the administration had great structural changes in the way matters regarding family welfare and justice for the youths was handled. Before introduction of these changes indigenous people were overrepresented in prisons and jails and decision making processes were dominated by the whites (Meister, pp58). These structural changes employed in youth justice can be used in various juvenile offenses, but mostly they are used in serious cases and minor cases solved trough diversions of police. Family welfare and youth justice programs are different from offenders and victim reconciliation and mediation programs since they involve more community members in the discussion of the offense, pay more attention on participation of the family and recognize more victimized individuals. Family welfare and youth justice programs also reduce the intervention of the state and changes the roles of professionals in problem solving (Marshall, pp26). Youth justice and family welfare programs were introduced first in Australia in late 1991 and formed part of law enforcement operations that focused on one jurisdiction. Conferences run by the police were also introduced in the capital city of Australia and later on the northern states (Meister, pp59). In late 1993 and early 1994, conferences for handling juvenile cases were introduced in the southern and western part of Australia and they were involving non professional police to run the conference. In Queensland and south wale conferences to handle juvenile cases, have been recently introduced and they are mostly employed in Queensland schools (Meister, pp59). Circles of sentencing were established in Canada in 1980s, and were the fist groups of the nation to respond to offenders (Marshall, pp26). The aim and objectives of circles of sentencing are resolution of conflicts, restoring harmony and order, and healing of offenders, victims and family (Anwander, pp73). Circles of sentencing involves processes of consensus and includes all the victims of crimes and families of the victims, their next of kin, and community members in order to respond to the behavior and formulate sanctions that addresses all the needs of those involved. Circles of sentencing are currently being used in United States and in Canada by non indigenous groups that include blacks in Minnesota. Since 1980s, there are other practices which have emerged and use the principles of restorative justice (Marshall, pp27). Compensation boards in Vermont involve the members of the community and design penalties for offenders of juvenile. These penalties involve service of the community and rarely involve offender and victim mediation. The meetings do not involve the victims (Anwander, pp76). Panels of victim impact have also been introduced by mothers and focuses on drunk driving. The panels give a room for the victims and the members of the family to give their suggestions about the impact of driving when drunkard to the offenders who have been ordered by the court to attend. However, these panels for victims are different from most of the processes of restorative justice, since they do not employ voluntary attendance (Marshall, pp29). On the other hand they have an important element of bringing contact of offenders and victims in the process, which lacks in traditional proceedings of criminal justice. These panels are employed extensively across the United States. On the other hand research and theories have contributed to the development of restorative justice. In 1970s scholars of social and legal doctrines developed several theories focusing on formal and informal justice. Theoretical and empirical studies of formal and indformal justice which have been conducted in industrialized countries and in less developed countries suggest that, it took less one decade to change optimism for pessimism. With emergence of theories and research disillusionment had already set in by 1990s (Marshall, pp30). In late 1970s and early 1980s there were arguments from the criminologists in Netherlands, Norway and from elsewhere to abolish prisons. During this time the activists paid more attention on decarceration and alternatives to jails and prisons. However, currently there are few individuals who would argue for complete abolition of prisons although few people argue for their minimal use (Marshall, pp31). In 1996 there was an international conference to address penal abolition held in New Zealand and supported resolutions and discussions to facilitate restorative justice. Scholars have also attempted to focus on the merits of informal methods that can be applied in social set ups to regulate order in the society (Marshall, pp31). This involves reintegrative shaming in response to a crime that may be integrative and not stigmatizing. These ideas have been employed in conferencing models such as in wagga, in Australia. Before the wagga conference these ideas were not included in youth justice and family welfare programs and they did not form part of many conference held across the globe. The united states are currently employing the wagga model, although there are some arguments on the issue of shame and whether it should be the central issue in processes of conferencing (Marshall, pp32).

Getting the Best Essay Topics for Old Man and the Sea

Getting the Best Essay Topics for Old Man and the Sea Essay Topics for Old Man and the Sea It really did feel as a dream. The scenario, however, is very interesting for the section of the old man. The man does not have any doubts about his destination, and this is the place where the magic of perception arrives to action. It is suggested to look for the one which has a superior reputation and offers high-quality papers at very affordable prices. In fact, there is absolutely no food. The land must earn a difference too, in the form of the clouds. The significance of the sea for a setting. The Hidden Gem of Essay Topics for Old Man and the Sea The underlying fact about the social advertising is that they wish to earn a beneficial effect on the society in general, it's the drive to find a better society which makes the foundation and core business of the organizations involved with social advertisements. 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Essay on Diomedes, the True Hero of Homer’s Iliad

Diomedes, the True Hero of The Iliad In The Iliad, written in a 3rd person omniscient point of view, Homer gives a very serious account of the tenth and last year of the Trojan War. It was in Homers account that the very idea of becoming a legendary hero reached its pinnacle; the choice of the better hero was not decided on the events they participated in, but rather by their characteristics. The ancient Greeks had strict criteria for individuals to follow if they were to be seen as heroes. Above all, a man needed to be a skilled warrior, but this was not the only requirement. To be a hero, a warrior had to respect authority, both governmental and religious. The Greeks gave heroes no room for pride. These men were to be modest,†¦show more content†¦However, this fight may have never happened if Athena had not disguised herself as one of Hectors brothers and convinced him to fight (260). That was not enough though, as Athena then helped Achilles win the fight (260-261). This seems to be the case with all of Ac hilles battles. A god, goddess, or gods help him in battle by strengthening and encouraging him and his men, or they rally a Trojan army into entering a futile final battle. Diomedes is also guilty of receiving help from the gods. After praying for Athenas aid, Diomedes proceeds to not only slay Pandaros (who wounded him earlier) and many other Trojans, but also wound Aeneas in his hip and his mother Aphrodite in her hand (60-64). Later on in the same battle, Diomedes thrusts his spear through the belly of Ares, also done with the help of Athena (73). Another example of Diomedes skill comes when he and Odysseus spy on the Trojan camp. Diomedes goes ahead of Odysseus and strikes down so many Trojans that the ground was reddened with blood (124). Even before this, Diomedes prayed again to Athena for help. It seems no Greek warrior could fight their own battles; instead, they requested help from the gods. This fact makes it difficult to discern the better fighter between Achilles and D iomedes, but the common choice would probably be Achilles because of his legendary status and he was the son of an immortal.Show MoreRelatedAnalysis Of The Iliad 915 Words   |  4 Pagesâ€Å"In great literature, no scene of violence exists for its own sake.† This is a quote from an AP Literature Exam Essay Question to be answered during the year of 1982. When discussing this quote, thousands of great novels and other texts can be used as evidence to support this line. One such work of literature is Homer’s great epic, The Iliad. This poem, encompassing the telling of the great Trojan War, is one of the best examples of such a text. Throughout the text, it lays before the reader manyRead MoreIliad - Self image1193 Words   |  5 Pagesï » ¿The Iliad Essay Prompt 1. Complete one take home essay. Provide textual evidence, specific lines and incidents from The Iliad that proves your thesis. You may also draw from The Odyssey. Use in text parenthetical documentation according to MLA standards. The style guide that many colleges use is DianaHacker.com. We will use this style guide for both MLA format and grammar and mechanics. If you have any questions about MLA format, refer to DianaHacker.com. This paper needs to read asRead MoreExistentialism And Akhilleus : State Of Affairs1182 Words   |  5 Pagesand Akhilleus’ State of Affairs in Homer’s Iliad Existentialism is a philosophy that deals with human existence. This philosophy is a complex subject that asks questions about life that include meaning, purpose, choice, morality, ideology, and individuality. When reading other texts one could easily make connections to existential themes within the book’s literary tropes. Occasionally, some books have an overloaded abundance of existential themes. Homer’s Iliad is one of the books that comprise ofRead MoreDestiny And Freewill : Fate And Destiny1800 Words   |  8 Pages Destiny and Freewill Fate is the driving force in many epic poems, tales, and stories. This is what predetermines where the hero will go, who they are going to meet along their journeys and what they will become. It may lead to a romance so strong that it forces two cities into a war. Whether they go on to live a long life filled with glorious gifts and honour or, whether they die in battle, a glorious death or otherwise. It is these fates and destinies that are strongly woven into the

Accounts of Miracles and Their Support of Belief in God Essay

Accounts of Miracles and Their Support of Belief in God The definition of a miracle is a violation of the laws of nature, it is an exception that is beyond all naturalistic explanations, meaning they must be explained supernaturally. So do accounts of miracles support the belief in God? Firstly, one must decided whether there is sufficient evidence to prove the existence of miracles, something that people have disagreed about a lot. A McKinnon says that natural laws are just descriptions of the actual course of events so to say that a natural law has been violated would be a contradiction, these events merely show that our natural laws are at†¦show more content†¦Humes argument is not a very strong one, as we need an argument independent of what we are trying to prove. Hume also argues that all recorded miracles made by various religions contradict each other, therefore cancel each other out, however Hume is confusing the interpretation of the miracle with whether or not the miracle actually exists. Different religions have interpreted events differently, but these interpretations are not the same as the event, all Humes argument is succeeding in doing is cancelling out the interpretation, not whether or not miracles do in fact exist. A. Flew says that we must go back to the definition of a miracle, and there we shall find that there is something wrong; the definition is incomplete. The definition states that a miracle is something that is beyond naturalistic explanation. However, Flew argues that one never has the ability to state whether or not something will permanently be beyond naturalistic explanation, we do not know what we may discover in the future, with our limited knowledge we cannot be sure that something may not be naturalistically explained in the future. Therefore, Flew says that one can neverShow MoreRelatedThe Relationship Between God And Jesus Christ1326 Words   |  6 PagesClaim Christianity claims that 2,000 years ago God the son came to the earth to reveal the father to us and then die to save us from our sins. This claim needs to be further elaborated. God the son; Jesus Christ came to earth to remove sin from the lives of people so that he could come into the lives of those who were ready to accept him into their heart and transform them. The relationship with God is based entirely upon the relationship with Jesus. 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Some believe that Jesus was God, but others believe that He was merely a man. Then of course there are others who believe that He was both. These three views have been discussed and debated for centuries, by theologiansRead MoreMy Opinion On Pro s Case1479 Words   |  6 Pagesdebate. Pro’s Case My opponent has claimed that Jesus is historical. That he performed many miracles including raising himself from the dead. That we have good reason to believe these miracles happened due to so called eyewitnesses. He concludes that accepting those things prove that the Jesus is God. I maintain that as the case was presented it is a non sequitur. I provided examples of other supposed miracle workers who have as much if not more so called evidence via eyewitness. I further demonstratedRead MoreIn An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding by David Hume, the idea of miracles is introduced.1300 Words   |  6 PagesDavid Hume, the idea of miracles is introduced. 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These two accounts shine a light on very important events that would shape the nation they would eventually become. Many miraculous events took place in these chapters, as God was fighting and winning battles for His people. These narratives also include many exhil arating and extraordinary battles that are sure to captivate any reader. However

Maquiladora Industry in United States Free Essays

In this paper I will discuss the history and practices of the Maquiladora industry. I will discuss its background, its problems, the benefits it offers to United States companies, and the impact the NAFTA has and will have on the industry. In addition, I will make a suggestion on a possible strategy the Maquiladoras can adopt in order to address the challenges brought on by the NAFTA, to ensure it remains a strong force in the future. We will write a custom essay sample on Maquiladora Industry in United States or any similar topic only for you Order Now Mexican agricultural workers had been granted temporary work visas allowing them to work in the United States† agricultural industries through a program called the Bracero Program until 1965 when this program was terminated. As a result of this termination, the unemployment rate had exceeded 70% in certain border cities. In May of 1965 the Border Industrialization Program was established as a replacement for the Bracero program. It was later renamed the Maquiladora Program. The program was established by the Mexican government to provide employment for Mexico†s rapidly growing population along its border with the United States. This program was utilized to keep Mexicans from entering the United States. The idea was that Mexican workers would be kept on the Mexican side of the border if they were given factory jobs on the Mexican side. The Maquiladora program also wanted to attract foreign manufacturing facilities, technology, and know-how by giving a permanent tax holiday to manufacturing companies that would set up â€Å"twin plants† on the Mexican side of the border. In the beginning of the program, all foreign-owned operations had to be located within a 20-kilometer strip along the US-Mexican border. Since 1972 they can be located anywhere in Mexico. In 1996 there were around 2,500 Maquiladoras – 35% of them were located in the interior states of Mexico. Last year there were over 3,000 and more and more of these operations are being located outside of the border regions. Each of Mexico†s 31 states has at least one Maquiladora. Maquiladoras, also referred to as â€Å"in bond† or â€Å"twin† plants, are allowed to temporarily import into Mexico (free of tax) machinery, equipment, replacement parts, raw materials, and just about anything that was used in the assembly or manufacture of semi-finished or finished products. Once assembled or manufactured, the Maquila products must be exported unless special permission is obtained to sell a limited amount of output in the Mexican market. When these products are imported back to the United States, import duties are levied on the foreign value-added only. If Maquila products stay in Mexico, the are subject to applicable Mexican duties. The largest issue surrounding the Maquiladora industry is the exploitation of cheap labor. The working conditions are often unsafe, workers are not compensated adequately for their labor, attempts to unionize are discouraged; and sexual discrimination and harassment are too common. The conditions in and outside the Maquiladoras are terrible. Workers perform tasks such as welding without protective masks, leather gloves, or goggles (in many instances) and industrial accidents and toxic exposures are common. This, along with malnutrition caused by low salaries, produce skin illnesses, cancer, irregularities in menstruation, abortions, tumors, intoxication and birth of undernourished or disabled babies. Of the employees, many are young girls and women ranging from the ages of 14 to 20. They work 6 days a week in 10-hour shifts. The average weekly salary for a Maquiladora worker is US$35 – $45 even though the average monthly rent for a house with public services such as running water and electricity is around $200 a month. For the most part, Maquiladoras are unorganized. In those that are organized, state-controlled unions represent the workers. Although some companies are unionized on paper, the unions, for the most part, function to reinforce management policies rather than for the benefit of workers. Then there are what are called â€Å"phantom† unions. These unions do not fight for the worker†s rights. The workers do not even know them and have never seen their union leaders. When a conflict arises in a factory, management informs the worker that their unions have accept these or those conditions. Not only are they not protected by existing unions, those that attempt to unionize and are often threatened or bribed by plant managers and the government. In many companies, discrimination against and harassment of the female employees is very common. Female job applicants are required to produce urine samples to be used for pregnancy test, while some have company doctors and nurses examine the applicants or ask confidential information concerning their contraceptive practices. This is done because pregnant women are refused employment. Sexual harassment is often the rule rather than the exception. Rapes occur frequently and few are reported because women fear being fired or blacklisted. Shame and humiliation also keep them quiet. In Mexico, men and women are equal before the law, but the law does not recognize discrimination as a problem to be solved. The Pollution Brought on by the Maquiladoras The increased pollution, accompanied by the dumping of tons of hazardous wastes, poses a serious health threat to the residents of Mexico as well as the resident of the bordering US states. There are several canals that are â€Å"black† with chemical wastes that have been measured at levels that greatly exceed permissible standards. One factory was caught dumping drums of paint, solvents, and shellac into a drain. In other areas there are abandoned lead smelters and air full of soot and dust from brick-making ovens and smoldering tire dumps. Main Advantages for the United States† Companies For the United States companies this was a great advantage since Maquiladoras operates at very low costs in places where the currency is weaker than the dollar–such as Mexico. The less a currency is worth, the more relative value the dollar has. Since Mexico†s peso is relatively week, companies can trade their dollars for pesos with which they pay workers and expenses. The products they manufacture, however, are sold for dollars, increasing their profits by huge margins whenever the local currency falls. They could enhance competitiveness, reduce their costs, and maintain quality by placing their labor-intensive operations in the less developed Mexico, benefiting from the lower wage rates there. For many US companies, manufacturing in Mexico has become necessary to battle overseas competition. Since many manufacturers are moving to â€Å"just-in-time† inventory systems, the quick delivery possible from Mexico†s border towns offers a substantial advantage over Asian alternatives. The NAFTA†s Impact on the Maquiladora Industry Traditionally, Maquiladoras offered foreign businesses several advantages over other forms of direct foreign investment. Since the signing of NAFTA, however, many of these advantages are either being phased-out or granted to all Mexican companies. The most significant advantages of operating as a Maquiladoras include: 100% foreign investment, operation without ownership of assets, tax sheltering of cost centers, and 100% duty-drawback or waivers for temporary imports. Furthermore, the NAFTA attempted to address the labor exploitation and environmental problems associated with the Maquiladora industry. One of the benefits of the Maquiladora program is 100% foreign investment of Mexican operations, which formerly was not allowed. However, Mexico†s Foreign Investment Law has changed through the years (most significantly in 1989 and 1994)-full investment is now allowed in most business ventures. Operation Without Ownership of Assets Another advantage that Maquiladoras have is that they can receive production materials and capital goods as loans from their parent and client companies. As a result, most Maquiladoras have little of no inventory of fixed assets, eliminating the need to pay the Mexican asset tax of 2% of all assets. In January 1995, the Mexican IRS reported that Maquiladoras would now have to factor the depreciation of â€Å"loaned† assets in price-transfer calculations, which is the first step toward phasing-out this advantage by 2001. When Maquiladoras are structured as cost center (providing manufacturing services for a foreign parent) the foreign corporation has traditionally paid the Mexican company for operating costs plus negligible profit. By doing this they avoid Mexico†s 34% corporate income tax, 10% mandatory profit sharing, and asset taxes. Now the Mexican IRS is changing the way Maquiladoras must declare assets. Over the next few years, Maquiladoras will be forced to raise their declared profit percentage to a rate that is comparable to that of two unrelated companies performing the same transaction at â€Å"arm†s length†. This is the type of transfer pricing procedure that is implemented by most trading blocks, like the EC. It will soon be effect throughout North America. 100% Duty-Drawback or Waivers for Temporary Imports Maquiladoras have always allowed Mexican companies 100% duty drawback or waivers in imported components that are exported as final goods. Since 1994, this has provided many Maquiladora programs a way to use non-NAFTA materials within products without the need to pay the corresponding duties over those materials when importing or exporting goods to other NAFTA nations. On January 1, 2001, Maquiladoras that manufacture goods for export to NAFTA partner countries will no longer be allowed to take the waiver. The waiver will still be available for goods that are going to non-NAFTA countries. In 1995 the NAFTA†s of Labor created the National Administrative Office (NAO) as well as the North American Agreement on Labor Cooperation (NAALC). Both were intended to stop labor abuses. The NOA was established to monitor labor complaints that NAFTA critic†s voice regarding unfair labor practices. The NAO can recommend â€Å"ministerial consultations† as well as imposed heavy sanctions against Mexico. Unfortunately, the side agreements proved useless. The NOA cannot force Maquiladoras to allow unions-the most they can do is recommend â€Å"ministerial consultations.† Sexual harassment and discrimination continues as well. The NAFTA has also created side agreements covering the environment. One of them is the North American Development Bank (NAD Bank). Its purpose was to finance wastewater treatment projects along the border in the poorer communities. However, the most important criteria that needed to be met in order to receive funds were meeting certain market considerations. With this program NAFTA â€Å"encouraged† growth without regard for the environment through its practice of placing market consideration above environmental protection. Another is the Commission for Economic Cooperation (CEC). The CEC was established to investigate governmental non-enforcement of environmental laws. Unfortunately it has no power to enforce ,they can only investigate-and they can†t even do that until Mexico collects the data on the pollution for them. Possible Strategy for the Maquiladora Industry As long as the Mexican currency is weaker than the US dollar I don†t think that the changes are going to dramatically effect the flow of US companies to the south. However, the Maquiladora industry cannot count on this for continued growth. By the year 2001 the Maquiladora industry as we know it now will have significantly changed when the phasing out is complete. Maquiladoras will no longer be â€Å"tax break† establishments; they will be just like other foreign investments. In order for them to fully compete in the near future they must become more efficient and leaner. The impact of globalization is forcing manufacturers to produce more rapidly and cheaply than ever before and to continuously improve. Because there will be no differentiation between the non-Maquiladora and Maquiladora industries I feel the inefficient producers will be wiped out. Therefor, Maquiladora employees will need better training, education, incentives as well improved working conditions and higher wages. Operations will also have to be streamlined in order to reap the benefits of economies of scale and scope. In addition, Mexicans as well as US citizens will start to demand more accountability from the Mexican government and the Maquiladora industry. They need to be more responsible for their actions. What will the U.S. corporations do when human rights activists and environmentalists start lobbying and protesting on their US sites? Do they want to risk losing their shareholders to this type of negative attention? How to cite Maquiladora Industry in United States, Essay examples

Lemon battery free essay sample

Several people had an experiment on conducting electricity with various fruits (lemon, kiwi, tomato, orange, and grapefruit). However, the researcher’s focused on generating electricity using a lemon. Somehow, in different area Lemon have many uses thus it has also many benefits. Normally, lemon is as flavor pies, pudding, frosting, candies, jams, and marmalades. They are served with fish and some kinds of meat. Lemon juice is used in salad dressings and in tea. Lemonade is popular hot-weather drink. In the other hand, Lemon is also good for health. Fruit is convenient, because it provides both the electrolyte and a simple way to support the electrodes. The acidity, which is measured by the pH, varies substantially. Lemon, a small evergreen tree native to Asia and the trees ellipsoidal yellow fruit. The fruit is used for culinary and non-culinary purposes throughout the world, primarily for its juice, though the pulp and rind (zest) are also used in cooking and baking. We will write a custom essay sample on Lemon battery or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page The juice of the lemon is about 5% to 6% citric acid, which gives lemons a sour taste. The distinctive sour taste of lemon juice makes it a key ingredient in drinks and foods such as lemonade. Lemon juice in its natural form generally has a high PH that makes it hard to consume as it is without neutralizing it. To allow harmless consumption it is mixed with vitamins and additives that make it less acidic to levels of between 2. 2 and 3. 0 PH which is good for general consumption. However using it as a food is just one of the uses that lemon juice is put into. The high acidity found in lemon juice can actually be used to generate electricity. Lemons contain acid that has both positive and negative ions. These ions are usually found in the water the liquid part of the lemon. This can be easily illustrated by carrying out a simple experiment to find out if a lemon contains these ions. For understanding how electricity is produced in a lemon we will go through the basic principle of transfer of electrons and electro-chemical reactions. The juice of lemon is acidic in nature and works as a powerful electrolyte. The lemon itself serves as a reservoir for transfer of electrons to and from the electrodes. When the two electrodes, copper and zinc, are suspended in the acidic lemon juice, the atomic structure of the atoms of both the electrodes starts breaking, resulting in production of individual electrons. Both the electrodes are not in contact with each other and thus a flow of electrons is generated through the electrodes and electrolyte. The copper acts a positive electrode and the zinc acts as the negative electrode. Both the metals are good conductors of electricity and thus a flow of electrons take place from the negative to positive electrode. This free flow of electrons results in the generation of an electric potential. Depending on this electrons flow rate, the amount of voltage generated is measured using a voltmeter. Thus this experiment proves that electricity can also be generated just by plain chemical reaction. However, it is to note that electricity will be generated only when the battery circuit gets completed by external wiring. Also, it is not the lemon which is the source of energy, but the chemical change in the zinc that produces electricity. The zinc electrode, when inside the lemon, gets oxidized by releasing electrons and goes to a lower energy state. This leads to the transfer of electrons from a high energy state electrode to a low energy state electrode. Thus, lemon just serves as an environment for the generation of electricity; however doesn’t produce any electrons on its own. The voltage produced by a single lemon is very small. However, a series of lemons can be used to increase the voltage of the whole battery. A series involving four lemon batteries can easily light an LED. Although a lemon does not have enough power to light a large flashlight, it can conduct electricity and you can run an experiment to light up a small light bulb to see the proof. This experiment works with other citrus fruits as well. However, lemons work the best because lemons are one of the more acidic citrus fruits. It is important to note when exploring how lemons produce electricity, that lemons, specifically lemon juice on its own, cannot produce an electric current. Lemon juice has to react with a metal element in order to yield a current of flowing electrons. The researchers designate this topic for they would want to lucubrate and seek answer for their questions. The researchers’ acquisition’s interesting and worth lucubrating. B. Statement of the problem 1. How long the lemon does generates? 2. Will the lemon generate electricity? 3. What are the smaller electronically gadgets and devices that the lemon could afford to generate with adequate electricity? C. Hypotheses 1. The lemon will generate electricity for a long period of time. 2. The lemon will generate electricity. 3. The smaller electronically gadgets like wrist watch, small light bulb etc. D. Significance of the study This research is compelling because it is also for the researchers’ profit. It is not only for the researchers’ profit but also for any students or anyone who would want to use this as a substitution for their clocks or small light bulb that might lost its’ battery life. This could also be profitable which could be use in a science fair or school activities. In a household this research could be convenient; specifically if such people would want to try and find out its good benefits towards their small electronic gadget that is out of power. In the other, although the product batteries are recommended for the people to use, it’s not however bad on using alternative fruits to make their electronically gadgets work. Thus it could even give them new knowledge and furthermore conclusive findings. Science fair is a common school activity. Students are having an exhibit on showing up new discovered things or showing up inventions; inventions that are at their strength and level. They could use this research upon this activity. E. Scope and limitations This lemon generator could only give a small amount of electricity; which could also just be use for small electronic gadget which requires a battery. Thus, this study is focused on lemon generating small electronic gadget and not with gadgets or appliances that needed great amount of electricity like an air-conditioner, television etc. The experiment will be done in any of the researchers’ residence. The experiment upon the electronic gadget and the lemon will be timed which however will have its own data. The researchers will set two types of elec. Gadget for the test. In the other hand, the researchers will assign five respondents -respondents for the survey that the researchers will prepare. The measured time for the experiment would be 2 days or 3. It depends upon when the lemon will lose its potential to generate our prepared small electronic gadgets. In the other hand, we will have our respondents presence while we are conducting the research thus to make them see and convince if the lemon is really beneficial. After the lemon lose its potential to generate a further electricity to power it up, we will now ask them one by one and have their answers jotted in our data.